Wasted
To residents of a working-class Lowell neighborhood, having a toxic waste site
in their back yard was bad enough. When a trash-handling plant tried to move
in next door, they said it was time to stop dumping on their community.
by Ben Geman
In Ayers City, a blue-collar stretch of tightly packed houses south of downtown
Lowell, kids once played a game unique to the neighborhood. They called it
"Light the Ground on Fire," and it involved tossing matches onto a strip of
industrial Tanner Street to see if it would ignite, remembers Norine Brodeur,
who grew up and raised her children in Ayers City. "The kids would like to
watch the fire dance and the dirt burn," she recalls now, nearly 20 years
later. "It would burn in different colors."
Today, it's clear why. Tanner Street was once home to the Silresim Chemical
Corporation, which recycled solvents from other firms until it went bankrupt in
the late 1970s, abandoning waste drums just hundreds of feet from nearby
houses. Chemicals seeped into the ground, contaminating it so badly that today
the parcel is on the US Environmental Protection Agency's list of "priority"
Superfund sites -- it's undergoing a $41 million cleanup that will
continue for decades. "You could call this a chemical trespass," says David
Ozonoff, chair of Boston University's Department of Environmental Health, who
led a 1983 study that found elevated rates of respiratory problems, bowel
dysfunction, and other ailments in Ayers City. "Or a chemical mugging."
The drums are gone now, and the land is capped with clay and stone while
specialists from the Army Corps of Engineers, working behind KEEP OUT signs and
barbed wire, slowly clean the Silresim site. But two decades after Silresim was
abandoned, residents have woven its impact on Ayers City into a fight against
what they call a new threat to their neighborhood. In a pending lawsuit, a New
Hampshire company is asking Lowell Superior Court to overturn the Lowell Board
of Health's rejection of its bid to build a trash-transfer plant on the lot
next to the Silresim site. The board's March 1998 decision followed months
of hearings in which residents' groups fought the plan after state
environmental officials gave it the green light. Ultimately, the health board
found several reasons to reject Merrimack Valley Processing's bid to use Tanner
Street for its plant, which if built would handle 500 tons of trash per day.
Increased truck traffic. Noise. Possible air pollution.
But one reason stood out. Citing the damage Silresim had already done to the
area, the board called the case a matter of "environmental justice" -- a term
academics and activists have used for about a decade to argue that poor and
minority neighborhoods shouldn't be stuck with the nation's waste-handling
facilities and similar burdens simply because they lack political muscle. "The
natural inclination is to put facilities like this in neighborhoods that have
difficulty defending themselves against this kind of project, and where others
have already gone," says Evan Slavitt, the board's attorney.
Changing the law
When the Lowell Board of Health blocked the siting of a trash-transfer station
next to a Superfund chemical-waste site on the city's south side last year, it
relied on a creative interpretation of state environmental law. Members said
the issue was one of "environmental justice," calling it unfair to increase the
stress on neighborhoods already coping with environmental burdens.
It's not certain whether the board's decision will hold; the company seeking
to build the plant has appealed the decision in Lowell Superior Court. But the
case could spur an important change in state environmental codes -- one
that would help low-income and minority communities, which often face more than
their share of hazards, to avoid new risks.
As part of its work with residents opposing the trash-transfer station, the
Boston-based nonprofit group Alternatives for Communities and Environment (ACE)
began lobbying state officials last fall to incorporate environmental-justice
concerns into Massachusetts policy. Because the concept is not part of the
state's current rules, the Lowell Board of Health addressed environmental
injustice as one of the broadly defined "nuisances" that can warrant rejection
of a plant. Now, the Lowell fight has led the Department of Environmental
Protection (DEP) to mull over revising the criteria for siting new
waste-handling plants so as to consider the "cumulative burden" existing
industries have placed on a neighborhood.
The state could offer that change for public comment within the next two
weeks, according to James Doucett, the DEP's deputy director of business
compliance. Doucett says the proposed rules would allow regulators to consider
the burdens placed on a neighborhood by various types of contamination -- i.e.,
water pollution from one industry combined with air pollution from another.
That's not easy, though -- Doucett notes that establishing "cumulative
burden" is an inexact science. "We know how to add up air pollutants and water
contaminants," he says, "but when you add the air and water to someone's
individual health, it is quite complicated."
Doucett stresses that the state's plans are preliminary and that public
hearings and comments will be considered once any plans are floated. What's
obvious, though, is that the Lowell residents' fight could resonate well beyond
their city. Says ACE lawyer John Rumpler: "It's a crucial first step toward
integrating the idea of environmental justice into DEP public policy."
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The fight in Lowell could help change that decades-old trend. It's all but
unheard-of for local governments to factor environmental justice into urban
planning, yet the Lowell health board's action demonstrates a tool for them to
do so: boards of health, often staffed only part-time, nonetheless wield
enormous power in Massachusetts, acting as a check on regulations that allow
clusters of potentially unhealthy industrial uses near residential areas. At a
time when the film A Civil Action is dramatizing the damage polluters
inflict on their neighbors, the Lowell fight tests the ability of cities and
residents to shake off new risks. "It's very courageous of the board of health
to use that [environmental justice] criteria. . . . It's not a
conventional edict of public-health policy," says Ken Geiser, a professor of
work environment at the University of Massachusetts at Lowell's Toxic Use
Reduction Institute.
It took some creativity for Slavitt and the board to work the concept into the
official deliberations. State law allows health boards to examine several
factors when deciding whether a site is suitable for a waste-handling plant.
Environmental justice is not among them, yet the concept of "nuisance" is.
Solution? The board called environmental justice a "nuisance" issue. "It's
precedent-setting in Massachusetts. . . . This [sets] a
substantial precedent that's consistent with modern thinking on how you
understand environmental issues," Slavitt says of the board's decision. Lowell
policy, in other words, vaulted beyond state statutes on environmental justice.
Indeed, the board called the absence of that concept from the list of relevant
criteria a "regrettable omission."
Memories of what Ozonoff calls the "chemical mugging" of Ayers City have never
been far from the movement against the trash-transfer facility. For Ayers City
residents like Carol McCarthy, it's been a very personal struggle -- not just
to improve Lowell's image, but to keep their small neighborhood free of new
burdens. "They [Merrimack] thought we were poor, stupid people who would
welcome them with open arms, not fight this, not even know how to start," says
McCarthy, co-chair of the Sacred Heart Neighborhood Improvement Group, one of
more than 20 organizations that opposed the plan before the board of health.
"It has cost thousands and thousands for them to fight us. Now, we are still
fighting and they are still spending."
The preschool teacher offers many reasons why Ayers City is the wrong site for
the trash-handling plant. And while residents would undoubtedly have opposed
the plan even if Silresim had never existed, McCarthy says the protest stems
partly from Tanner Street's history: "What we are saying is that the
neighborhood can't take it, the street can't take it." Quoted in 1997 in the
Lowell Sun, McCarthy complained of "dumping" on Tanner Street. "Please
leave us alone and let us recover from Silresim," she said after the Department
of Environmental Protection declared the Tanner Street site suitable for the
plant.
"I think the intensity of their outrage, and the feeling of insult being added
to injury, was heightened by the previous burdens borne by the neighborhood,
most notably Silresim -- no doubt about that," says John Rumpler, an attorney
with Boston-based Alternatives for Communities and Environment, which is
representing a coalition of neighborhood groups that have intervened in the
court case in an effort to uphold the decision.
The Silresim "burden" dates back to 1971, when the company (its odd name is the
last name of its owner spelled backward) began operations on Tanner Street. For
seven years, Silresim reprocessed and stored industrial waste from other firms
-- glue, pesticides, and other compounds with far longer names.
Eventually, after being cited for several violations in the mid-1970s, the
company fell behind in its reprocessing work; it ceased operations and declared
bankruptcy in 1977. The waste storage drums remained, corroded and leaking --
about 30,000 of them, soaking the ground. Years after the site was abandoned,
community organizers -- including Cambridge environmentalist and recent
congressional candidate John O'Connor -- began pushing for the site's cleanup
and calling attention to reports of illness in Ayers City. Norine Brodeur, who
served as president of Lowell Fair Share and founded an Ayers City chapter,
recalls that her children were often ill with persistent colds and sore
throats, problems her neighbors were found to share. Fair Share, in a survey of
neighborhood residents, found a variety of health problems, including skin
rashes, headaches, and respiratory infections. Many local women reported
miscarriages and stillbirths, according to a state report that cites the Fair
Share survey. (According to a 1995 state assessment of the site, variables such
as workplace hazards and smoking levels were not factored into the survey.)
Brodeur, who later founded the Greater Lowell Environmental Campaign,
miscarried twice, misfortunes she believes were linked to Silresim. "We wanted
to think we were safe in our own back yards," says Brodeur, who now lives in
Florida. "And we were not."
Ayers City residents' belief that chemicals once stored at the site were
causing illness was backed up in the 1983 clinical study led by Ozonoff, which
found elevated rates of respiratory problems and bowel dysfunction. The study
also showed that proximity to the site was associated with easy bruising or
bleeding, chest pains, and headaches. It's clear that even after the barrels
were removed, chemicals from Silresim saturated the ground. Ozonoff recalls a
chemical stench in the air around the time the study was conducted, and his
wife complained of her nose burning; "it was obvious there were chemicals all
over the ground" at the abandoned site, he says. In 1983, after intense
lobbying, the site was placed on the EPA's National Priorities List and capped
to limit exposure.
According to an article by Ozonoff that appeared in a scientific journal in
1987, several chemicals -- including the compound trichloroethylene, which
is linked to leukemia --were stored at the site and were detected in the air
nearby. Trichloroethylene is the same compound found in the polluted Woburn
wells at issue in the case that inspired A Civil Action. A public-health
assessment performed by the state for the federal government in 1995 reports a
"significant" elevation of leukemia among women for the period 1982-1989 in the
census tract containing Silresim. It's probably impossible to tell whether
exposure in Ayers City will lead to future illnesses -- Ozonoff notes the
long latency period for many cancers and the inherent difficulties of trying to
study cancer in small populations. "What do I think will happen to people in
the long term? It's my belief, absent any evidence, and my hope that nothing
happens," he says. "But they were placed at an unnecessary risk."
Brodeur, too, worries about the long-term consequences of residents' proximity
to Silresim -- including her own. Her home in Ayers City was among the
closest to the site. The children she says had a hard time fending off sickness
while growing up in Ayers City are healthy now, but she looks warily toward the
future. "You always worry," says Brodeur, 46. "I worry they may get sick
themselves or not have healthy children." She sees progress -- albeit delayed
-- in the Lowell Board of Health's ruling that Ayers City has, in effect, been
through enough. "Cities need to learn to grow and prosper in a way that the
environment can be preserved," she says. "It seems to be sitting in [city
officials'] minds now. I hope so. It sounds like they understand that what they
do in one year can affect them for the next 100."
Would this fight be necessary in Wellesley? "In my opinion, no way," says John
Rumpler. In the Alternatives for Communities and Environment (ACE) office in
Roxbury's Dudley Square, the 33-year-old attorney sits before a mass of maps
and briefings that he believes make a good case for upholding the health
board's decision. Rumpler and the neighborhood groups contend that emissions
from the waste-handling plant would push the level of particulate matter in the
surrounding neighborhood above safe limits. It's roughly the same case that ACE
and activists made when opposing an asphalt plant proposed for the
Roxbury/Dorchester border, arguing that it would worsen existing levels of
respiratory trouble in surrounding neighborhoods.
In this case, Rumpler says there's proof, in black and white, that the fight
over the trash-transfer site is a matter of environmental justice. He points to
the Environmental Notification Form that Merrimack Valley Processing filed for
the project with the Massachusetts Department of Environmental Protection,
which gave the company the go-ahead on the Tanner Street site before the Lowell
Board of Health said no. "If you look at the application by Merrimack Valley,
and you look at where they investigated potential sites before they settled on
this one, you will not find affluent communities at all," he says. "You will
find they settled on Worcester and Lowell."
Gerald Moore, attorney for Merrimack Valley, calls Rumpler's analysis flawed.
"That's a misunderstanding of supply and demand," Moore says. "You don't put
500-ton-per-day stations in [small] towns like Carlisle, because the waste
stream isn't there."
A trash-transfer station is "a sensible and clean environmental way to deal
with a problem that exists locally and will always be there locally," he adds.
"The trash fairy doesn't come and take your garbage away at night."
And Merrimack Valley Processing, of course, doesn't share the view that a
trash-transfer station on Tanner Street is bad for the environment. Using its
own expert witnesses before the board of health -- and noting that it won the
go-ahead to use the site from state environmental officials -- the firm said
concerns over the plant's impact on the surrounding neighborhood were
unfounded. Merrimack Valley refutes the testimony of the citizen groups'
witnesses on several points, notably on the plant's impact on local air
quality. In its appeal, the company contends that the board made a maverick
decision, thwarting state laws governing how boards of health should determine
the suitability of proposed sites. "You have people saying we can't have this
heavy industry on Tanner Street because it is environmentally incorrect to have
heavy industry in heavy industrial zones," Moore says. "Why zone land as
industrial when you don't want industry there?"
Outside of court briefings, the company has focused more on the plant's
economic than its environmental impact, arguing that the facility would add to
the struggling city's tax base and employment rolls while cutting its trash
budget. On the day of the board's March 4, 1998, decision, the company
bought a full-page advertisement in the Lowell Sun. IN THE LAST
10 YEARS, THIS IS WHAT'S HAPPENED TO LOWELL'S INDUSTRIAL TAX BASE, read the
text above a picture of a burly man representing 1988, when the tax base was
$338 million. Standing next to the Stallone-esque figure is a shorter,
twiggy Woody Allen look-alike, representing the shrunken 1998 tax base of
$182 million. The paper's ownership didn't need convincing, supporting the
proposed plant on the editorial page.
The company has a point about economic development being needed in Lowell.
Textile mills on the Merrimack River once fueled a thriving economy, but the
mills are gone. Now, the city of about 100,000 has a per capita income in the
state's bottom 10 percent, according to the Massachusetts Department of
Housing and Community Development. Still, the plant's opponents aren't
convinced that the transfer station makes even economic sense. Lowell resident
Mark Cote, for example, argues that the city needs to draw visitors, not trash.
To that end, it has turned two of the old mills into textile museums and built
stadiums for minor-league sports franchises. "The city as a whole is trying
desperately to change its image," says Cote, whose organization, Lowell
Citizens for Environmental Justice, opposes the plant. "This would not help
what we are working for with the museums and the national park. We're building
a tourist industry. We have a baseball team, a hockey team."
Indeed, even from an environmental standpoint the fight over the
trash-transfer station is not about stopping development. Opponents of the
facility know Tanner Street will never be mistaken for Yosemite National Park.
Carol McCarthy says she hopes less-damaging businesses will come to Tanner
Street -- one possibility, she muses, is a collection of used-car lots. "We are
not against business," says McCarthy, photos of the old waste drums spread out
on her dining-room table. "We are against the businesses they are trying to put
there."
The old pictures belie the notion that opposition to the transfer facility is
just another case of "not in my back yard." Ayers City, plainly, has had plenty
in its back yard. Environmental justice, John Rumpler says, is largely about
looking at the "cumulative impact" of industries on neighborhoods like Ayers
City. A waste-handling plant, in and of itself, may not overburden a
neighborhood. But when it comes on top of a Superfund site, a metals-recycling
facility, and other industries on Tanner Street, it's a different animal.
For McCarthy, the concept of environmental justice resonates. Walking through
Ayers City on a recent night, not far from the fence marking Silresim and the
lot where Merrimack Valley Processing wants to build, McCarthy says the history
of contamination hasn't diminished her fondness for the area. "It's a cute
neighborhood," she says. "I don't want to be forced to move." Forcing McCarthy
to do anything probably isn't easy -- the 46-year-old seems so tough as to
be unbothered by the winter chill, wearing no hat or scarf with her jeans and
Toronto Blue Jays coat (representing her son's Babe Ruth League team). Still,
she says that if the court overturns the board's decision, she may consider
leaving Ayers City. "If they keep dumping stuff like this," she says, "I may
say to my husband, 'That's it.'"
Ben Geman can be reached at bgeman[a]phx.com.