The wrap

A last-minute run-down
of the top local races

by Chris Kanaracus

THERE'S NO DOUBT that Massachusetts is in smashing economic shape. Unemployment is at an all-time low, and budget surpluses are at record highs. But despite the good times, this year's legislative races have featured their share of contentious issues, and the winners on November 7 will face a full slate in the coming legislative session.

Perhaps most key is the outcome of ballot Question 5 (universal health-care coverage), which has led an interesting double life. Initially, the question was put on the ballot by a grassroots coalition with broad support. Legislators, fearful that the wording asked for too much, too soon, responded in July by crafting the "Patient's Bill of Rights," which grants consumers more protections from their HMOs. Many one-time backers of Question 5 now oppose it. Should it pass, it will throw the state's current health-care strategy sharply off course, and legislators will have to compensate. In
either case, the face of health care in Massachusetts -- and the economy -- will be the subject of strident debate.

Education will be on the front burner as well. The Education Reform Act, passed in 1993 and planned as a six- or seven-year process, has pumped more than $6 billion into the state's public schools. In the next year, the formula for funding local school systems is up for review. Currently, urban systems, which have more students from poor families, receive a larger share of ed-reform funds. But residents of more affluent communities complain that they're not getting a fair shake, and some towns have raised local taxes to cover the shortfall.

The education-funding issue is tied to many local races. Many local districts cover cities and towns as well as suburban and rural areas, creating an urban-suburban schism that will pose tricky footwork for legislators come voting time.

Then there's this year's near-dead horse: MCAS testing. Passing the test is a graduation requirement for high-school students. Teachers' unions and students alike have moaned and groaned for years about this, and say the test isn't fair to minority and special-needs students.

Thankfully for those critics, nearly all the candidates in this year's field say the test at least needs to be tweaked, if not repealed. Only hard-line Republicans defend the exam as it stands.

While the ultimate fate of the MCAS test may not be decided in the next legislative session, changes to it certainly will be debated.

Of course, money is closely linked to all these issues, and especially the Cellucci-Swift-sponsored ballot Question 4, which would seek to roll back the state income tax, from its cur-

rent rate of 5.85 percent to five percent, over three years. Such a move would cut slightly more than $1 billion from the tax rolls annually.

Proponents say the cut was promised long ago, in 1989, when taxes were raised to current levels. They also point to Massachusetts's booming economy, and to the state's massive budget surpluses, which they maintain will cover the shortfall.

Critics, largely composed of teachers' unions and labor interests, question the wisdom of lowering taxes to such a degree in flush times, and also complain that local aid will suffer and the rich will benefit from the cut far more than the poor will.

Perhaps predictably, legislative support for the measure has comes largely from Republicans, and the question has been a defining point in races across the state. Only scattered Democrats, such as state Senator Guy Glodis (D-Worcester), have advocated in favor of Question 4. Still, the measure may well pass; who doesn't want a tax cut, at least on the surface? Many observers say the anti-tax-cut forces, which include the bulk of the state's labor organizations, haven't done enough to persuade voters otherwise.

Coupled with the income-tax rollback is Question 6, which would allow drivers and car owners to take a credit for the cost of tolls and automobile excise tax on their state personal income tax, effectively "freeing" the Massachusetts Turnpike. Sounds great, considering the Pike was paid off long ago. Of course, the notion would offer little benefit to non-commuters, and could create a tornado-like paper trail.

Should both questions pass, legislators will have to think creatively about how to retain existing services with less revenue.

ALONG WITH these statewide concerns, members of the local delegation have plenty of problems to deal with at home, particularly in Worcester. Abandoned buildings and brownfields retain their chokehold on economic development and the tax base. Union Station, while gleamingly restored, still lacks full train service, surrounding development, and enough rent-paying tenants, and is on the verge of becoming a laughingstock. Affordable housing is in short supply. And while the downtown area is on the cusp of what looks to be a solid attempt at revival -- the planned arts district and the Centre City Development Plan look like good steps -- now is not the time for legislators to relax.

Finally, the proposed access road to Worcester Airport will continue to be a virtual kickball, as residents from South Worcester and the West Side to Auburn -- all areas that would be affected by one of the three routes suggested by Massport, which took over control of the airport last year -- express their discontent with the plan. It's the ultimate NIMBY issue, and is certain to pit delegation members against each other.

Any political observer knows that concrete predictions can be dangerous wagers. But at least in Worcester, this election year looks like a Democratic sweep, save for two lower-profile contests. That's not surprising, of course, when you consider the sorry state of the Republican Party in Massachusetts these days. Just seven of 39 state senators, and 27 of 159 state representatives, are GOP members.

This year's field also suffers from white male syndrome. No minorities and only three women -- Harriette Chandler, Susan Weagle, and Karyn Polito -- are in the running.

This isn't to say that voters shouldn't take a good look at all the candidates. Toward this end, the Phoenix has compiled snapshots of area contests to help you understand who may be running our lives after November 7.

Leary versus McManus

While many local contests seem less than competitive, the battle between Democrat James Leary and incumbent William J. McManus for the 14th Worcester state rep's seat -- which covers North Worcester and West Boylston -- is as close as they come. Leary, a liberal in the mold of Ted Kennedy, has waged an intensive door-to-door campaign all year long, while McManus didn't really come out until after the September 19 primary.

Of course, McManus didn't have to get involved until now. Earlier this year, run-ins with local labor groups and area Democrats prompted his departure from the Democratic City Committee and, soon after, the party itself. McManus rankled unions with his votes against project labor agreements (which require union labor for construction projects) for the state's $775 million courthouse bond bill. And he won no friends among Worcester Democrats with his endorsement of Governor Paul Cellucci's 1998 re-election campaign. McManus says his record reflects his truly independent nature, and he cites his friendship with Republicans as the best way to bring home bacon for the district.

Hovering in the background are charges by Democrats and fellow pols that McManus is a temperamental and vindictive bully who hogs the spotlight. But you won't find many who'll give these comments on the record. And those who publicly criticize McManus admit privately he's been effective.

Leary, while a candidate with solid merits of his own, has benefited from McManus's troubles. He's picked up endorsements -- and $7750 in cash -- from all the labor groups that McManus rankled, and has the full weight of the Democratic City Committee behind his campaign.

Not bad. But McManus has had some success turning even this against Leary, charging that his opponent is a front for special interests. And McManus retains a solid local base. Expect this one to come down to the wire.

Chandler versus Loconto

Three-term state Representative Harriette Chandler (D-Worcester), survived a bruising primary win over Joe Early Jr., but she's not done yet. Chandler now faces moderate Republican Chris Loconto, a lawyer and former district attorney, for the 1st Worcester Senate seat. The seat, which was vacated this year by the well-liked Robert A. Bernstein, covers the towns of Clinton, Boylston, and West Boylston, plus about half of Worcester.

While Chandler's support base and war chest far exceed Loconto's (she's got $43,000, while he's holding $6763), her opponent has led a strong grassroots campaign all year and has come out strong in the final weeks. Loconto's new teeth seemed to rattle the more experienced Chandler during a recent series of forums and debates, especially a heated joint October 25 appearance on Jordan Levy's radio show.

In particular, Loconto, 33, has attacked Chandler's voting record and accomplishments, particularly health-care concerns such as the Patient's Bill of Rights passed in July. Chandler, 62, is co-chair of the state's Health Care Committee and was at the forefront of that legislation. Loconto calls the bill a suck-up to insurance companies.

Loconto also says that only district attorney John Conte, not members of the local delegation, deserve credit for the state's 1998, $770 million courthouse bond bill, which will fund the planned $125 million downtown facility.

"He's been a very aggressive person who distorts my record. It doesn't seem to bother him that he's not always correct," says Chandler, pointing to an October 10 letter from Conte to the Telegram & Gazette, in which Conte credited Chandler and her peers for the courthouse money.

Chandler maintains that Loconto's attacks reflect a lone-wolf mentality; a quality, she says, that isn't a problem when it comes to her. "I have experience working in the legislature," she says. "I don't think he understands how government works and how each individual brings a special expertise. . . . It's everyone's job. It's a joint effort, not solely one individual."

Loconto's own issues run mostly along party lines. He's for the tax rollback, but as he himself stresses, he's "not a cookie-cutter Republican." He showed a pro-labor streak -- usually a GOP no-no -- when he marched with striking nurses at St. Vincent's Hospital earlier this year, and supports universal health-care coverage, but doesn't have a clear solution as to how that could happen.

"If I had a magic fix, I'd be applying for the CEO's job down at Harvard Pilgrim," jokes Loconto. But he says a start would be to raise cigarette taxes and to pressure HMOs to cut down on executive and marketing costs.

Despite Loconto's recent aggressiveness, most observers put their money on Chandler. But Loconto remains confident, and pragmatic about a loss. "If this doesn't work out, that's okay," he says. "It's not the end of the road for me. I've done what I can do, and I have to say my eyes have opened up a lot."

Spellane versus Lukes

Democrat Robert Spellane proved himself a viable candidate when he came out on top of a crowded four-way field in the September primary for the 13th Worcester state representative's seat, which was vacated this year by Harriette Chandler, now a state-senate candidate. The district covers the town of Paxton and Worcester's West side, and is seen by some as the local delegation's traditional voice. This is debatable, but what is certain is that the area contains a lot of well-to-do, politically active voters.

Spellane, 30, director of development for the Central Massachusetts Housing Authority, parlayed a distinctly liberal platform, close ties with area labor groups, and effective, on-message campaigning into a close victory over lawyer Joseph Spillane, School Committee veteran Brian O'Connell, and Harriet Lebow, a teacher and management consultant.

But Spellane's opponent in the general election, Republican James Lukes, shouldn't be underestimated. The moderate Lukes, a self-styled "Republicrat," (he's pro-choice and anti-death penalty, for example) boasts one of the best-recognized political names in the city, thanks to his wife, Konnie, who has served on the City Council and School Committee for 15 years.

So far, Lukes's campaign hasn't reached the ubiquity of Spellane's, but the sixtyish retired hospital administrator comes across as sincere and knowledgeable, and has stumped hard in the final weeks. Still, it could be a stretch to suggest he'll win a seat that's been in Democratic hands for decades.

Weagle versus Frost

Seventh Worcester State Representative Paul K. Frost (R-Auburn) has something that no other area legislator can boast: a 100-percent voting record. Frost also holds the House record for consecutive roll-call votes -- more than 500 in a row.

For sure, Frost gets to work on time each day. But his opponent, liberal Democrat Susan Weagle, says Frost's record over two terms has been marked by inactivity and a disconnect with local concerns.

"He hasn't filed any more than one or two meaningful bills. He's leaned on the state senators. . . . People have had to go to them to get things done," says Weagle, 54, who has reason to be aggressive; she lost to Frost in 1998, by about 900 votes. This year, her campaign has benefited from the help of Democratic consultants dispatched by the state party.

That's not to say Weagle is hurting for name recognition. She ticks off a litany of her experiences in community service: town councilor, member of the local Chamber of Commerce, board member of the Auburn Historical Society, and part of the state-appointed Access Road Task Force. Both candidates oppose the proposed road to Worcester Airport, including the one possible route that would cut through Auburn. But Weagle says Frost, 30, can't match her close ties to the area.

Frost openly scoffs at Weagle's charges. "Obviously she's desperately trying to find something to cling on to," he says. And Frost says Weagle is being purposefully vague in her attacks. "She's careful in her wordings. She says I haven't filed many bills. Well, that's not how things work. The governor files a bill, and the legislature, as individuals, can make amendments to it. . . . That's how you get money for your district."

As it stands, town leaders in Auburn are split between the candidates. But the district includes the neighboring towns of Dudley and Oxford, areas with which Weagle has fewer ties. Expect this low-key contest to have a photo finish.

Beshai versus Pedone

There may be no bigger mismatch than the fight for the 15th Worcester state representative's seat between entrenched Democratic incumbent Vincent A. Pedone, 33, and car salesman Frank Beshai, 51. Few give Beshai, a conservative Republican, much chance of defeating Pedone, who has many fans among the district's large number of Italian-American voters.

Beshai has been a bit of a stealth candidate this year, but that hasn't always been the case. In 1998, he challenged longtime Worcester County Sheriff John L. "Mike" Flynn in a heated encounter. In part, Beshai claimed he was better prepared to reduce recidivism at the jail (which, he claimed, was about 80 percent), since he had spent 18 months there in the late '80s on larceny charges.

But while Beshai eventually lost the race by a two-to-one margin, it was surprising that his defeat wasn't even more lopsided, especially since the 72-year-old Flynn's political machine is one of the most renowned and feared in the state.

The jail time occurred during a dark period in Beshai's life when he struggled with drug and alcohol addiction. He credits his recovery to the Triumphant Life Ministries Church, a Christian-revival group that travels the country with its Winning the World tent show. In 1999, Beshai ran the church's Balkan Mission Outreach program, which sent food and supplies to war-torn Albania and Yugoslavia. The two weeks that Beshai spent in the war zone, distributing food and recording what he saw on camera, was featured in a Telegram & Gazette profile in May 1999.

But while he's not hurting for life experience, Beshai is certainly wanting when it comes to cash, a key factor in any campaign. State records show his campaign account balance in September at just $1254 -- no match for Pedone's $30,000. And he hasn't campaigned very hard, to say the least.

If Pedone has a weak spot, it's not in an immediately obvious place. One local observer points to Pedone's endorsement of state Representative Harriette Chandler in her primary fight against Joe Early Jr. According to this observer, Early's father, former congressman Joseph Early, has ties to Pedone's family that go back more than 20 years, and the rep's decision to back Chandler didn't go over well. It may be a stretch to say Early's camp -- which is sizable -- has actively helped Beshai, but not to suggest that they've avoiding stumping for Pedone.

Glodis versus Davison

In just four years as a legislator, state Senator Guy Glodis (D-Worcester), has risen to the forefront of the local delegation. The former corrections officer, who is just 31, nabbed the 16th Worcester state rep's seat in 1996, and then in 1998 scored the 2nd Worcester senate seat in a fairly close race against Republican Karyn Polito. Glodis has fast climbed the leadership track. While his chairmanship -- of the less than noteworthy Elections Law Committee -- is low impact, he's forged close ties with Senate President Tom Birmingham and his right-hand man, state Senator Mark Montigny (D-New Bedford).

Glodis's performance is even more amazing when you consider that House seats in Auburn, Shrewsbury, and Grafton -- all towns in the district -- are held by Republicans, and have been for some time.

Glodis credits his success to a willingness to buck the party line, pointing to his support for Republican measures such as the state-income-tax rollback and the vote against the Big Dig bailout. Also, says Glodis, he's paid close attention to local concerns.

Despite Glodis's success, he faces opposition this year in former Merchant Marine Donald "Chip" Davison III. It's his military experience, in part, says Davison, that has prepared him for public office. Davison estimates he's visited 120 countries at last count. "Sometimes you don't get a chance to take it all in," he says, "but more often than not I've had a few days to get a detailed snapshot, so to speak, of the intimate aspects of each place."

Davison says his experiences taught him to appreciate the civil rights of US citizens. "I've been detained at gun-point. I've been places where there's been a lot of civil unrest: South Korea, Peru, Chile. . . . It's made me more cognizant. We take so much for granted here."

Last November, Davison came back from sea to find the state embroiled over Question 4's proposed tax cut, and he sprang into action. "I had been keeping an eye on this," he says. "It infuriated me that after all this time the legislature wouldn't take action." Critics of the measure charge that such a tax cut, which would amount to about $1.2 billion dollars annually, could gut local aid. Davison doesn't buy it. "Saying the sky is going to fall is mythology," he says. But Glodis also supports the measure, leaving Davison with one less issue with which to distinguish himself from his opponent.

Davison's chances don't look good on paper (especially his campaign finance report: figures show he began the final stretch with just $225), and the race has been fairly nasty. In September, Davison charged that Glodis's supporters threw firecrackers at his campaign workers, and later, had hit him with an egg as he stood on a street-corner campaigning. Glodis denies the charges, and he calls Davison and his campaign "desperate" -- a notion he reiterated during a October 23 candidates' forum on WCCA-13 cable TV. "We call him the Phantom Menace," scoffs Glodis. "No one's saw or heard from him before the day he filed his [campaign] papers. Davison counters that until recently, Glodis repeatedly ducked his calls for debates.

Still, Davison's chances may not be as gloomy as some would indicate. About half of the district's voters are un-enrolled, 35 percent are listed as Democrats, and the remaining 15 percent are registered Republicans.

OTHER AREA RACES include a rematch between Republican Mark Ferguson and state Rep. David Bunker (D-Rutland) for the 1st Worcester seat. Ferguson, a Holden selectman, actually won the seat earlier this year in a special election held after incumbent Harold Lane took a private-sector job. But a recount three weeks later showed Bunker was victorious by just 13 votes.

Compared to other local contenders, Shrewsbury Republican Karyn Polito has it easy this year. She's running unopposed for the 11th Worcester post formerly held by Ronald Gauch (R-Shrewsbury).

Chris Kanaracus can be reached at
ckanaracus[a]phx.com.