Case closed
Surgeon William Meyers agrees to resign after butting heads with UMass
Memorial, but academic physicians agree
his departure is a shocking example of what happens when
doctors criticize managed care
by Kristen Lombardi
The official word on liver surgeon William Meyers's
decision last week to step down, effective next year, is one of relief and
gratitude. But the scandal that circulated through medical centers nationwide
provides a chilling example to academic physicians everywhere of what can
happen if they speak freely in -- or are critical of -- health-care's
increasing corporatization.
For nearly three months, the staff at UMass Memorial Health Care, the UMass
Medical School's teaching hospital, had endured the maelstrom that followed
after Meyers, the surgery department chairman at UMass Memorial, was fired by
UMass Memorial CEO Peter Levine for discussing the tension existing between
hospital administrators and doctors (See "Muzzled," January 28).
Meyers refused to leave, prompting Levine to request Aaron Lazare, the UMMS
chancellor, initiate a job-evaluation process, consisting of a three-member
panel of "external experts," that could have recommended Meyers's dismissal
this month.
But by February 9, it was announced that Meyers had reached a "mutually
beneficial" agreement with UMass Memorial and UMMS administrators. And Meyers
and Levine, along with their warring factions, were quick to put the conflict
behind them. In a brief statement released to the Phoenix, Levine and
Lazare wrote that "to secure our missions . . . and to initiate
healing from any harm, we commit ourselves to closing the dispute in a
constructive way and moving forward."
Likewise, Meyers confirmed that he agreed to step down once it became apparent
that UMMS wished to end the "harmful consequences of the continued
controversy." To repair the damage he helped create by defending himself,
Meyers will leave.
The agreement, though, halted the three-member panel investigation. So doctors
and observers will never know what was offensive enough to cost the prestigious
surgeon his job. Now that Meyers is stepping down, academic physicians are
chalking one up to big business: it's hardly surprising, after all, when a
critical employee gets tossed in the corporate world. Still, like many
observers, David Rothman, a social-medicine professor at Columbia College of
Physicians and Surgeons, maintains, "This is one more example of how academic
physicians are starting to be treated like employees," not like
professionals.
If anything, the Meyers case shows that even academic physicians can lose when
they challenge the status quo.
By all accounts, the Levine-Meyers feud escalated into what's been called a
"bruising battle" almost as soon as it became public. Since mid-November, the
scandal tainted UMass Memorial's image, hindered its fundraising and recruiting
efforts, and created an atmosphere of paranoia and anxiety among staff.
It even prompted William Bulger, the president of the state's entire UMass
system, to intervene behind the scenes in recent weeks. "All we were hearing in
central office was that the sides were fairly entrenched," one UMass official
in Boston explains. To stop the debate -- especially the unfavorable publicity
-- Bulger and his aides pushed for compromise with attorneys and
administrators.
Meanwhile, of course, the three appointed panelists arrived at UMass Memorial
on February 3. Members -- Mitchell Rabkin of Beth Israel Hospital, Edward
Miller of Johns Hopkins University, and R. Scott Jones of University of
Virginia -- conducted two days' worth of hearings to review the case,
interviewing not just Meyers and Levine, but also UMass Memorial department
chairmen.
Before the panel could finish its work, however, Bulger's attempts at shaping
a quiet resolution paid off -- literally. Last week, a mutual agreement was
announced: Levine would permit Meyers to complete his current, five-year
contract; Meyers would leave when it expires, in January 2001. In addition,
Levine and his UMMS counterpart Lazare intend to change institutional by-laws
that dictate the hiring and firing of department chairmen.
No doubt, the agreement -- which pays Meyers an undisclosed yet an
assumed-to-be hefty severance package -- lets everyone save face. Now
Levine isn't forcing Meyers out; the surgeon is walking away with dignity; and
the nasty, disruptive scandal is fading.
By settling, though, the very vehicle designed to protect the tenet of academic
freedom -- namely, UMass's 90-day, job-evaluation process, which had been
enacted only after Meyers refused to leave -- didn't succeed. For while UMass
officials consider academic freedom to be preserved because "due process" was
upheld, the bottom line is undeniable: the openly critical Meyers, who
challenged UMass Memorial's leadership on issues like fundraising and billing,
has lost his job.
As one medical professor outside Worcester laments, "It certainly says
something about the health, or lack of health, at the academic medical center."
And, despite its "mutually satisfactory" conditions, the agreement does little
to address the reason behind the squabble. People will probably never know what
made up the 22 charges amounting to "institutional disloyalty," which Levine
issued one month after he fired Meyers. Nor will the panelists issue their
expected report, which was to recommend how such conflict should be resolved in
the future.
As a result, says Andrew Warshaw, chairman of the surgery department at
Massachusetts General Hospital, "People still don't know where the truth lies."
He adds, "the agreement is an expedient decision, not one arrived at based on
issues."
Neither can the settlement erase the damage done. Though it remains to be seen
whether the surgery department finds an equally qualified replacement, there's
little question that Meyers's successor will enter a beleaguered department,
and this hardly makes recruitment easy. The financially struggling UMass
Memorial may also be criticized for spending what insiders suspect is millions
of dollars on Meyers's severance pay, as well as on lawyers, experts, and even
a private investigator -- rather than on patient care and research.
So if anyone looks badly in this debate, it's Levine. After all, the hospital
CEO set off the controversy with his shocking, precipitate action, then
heightened the alarm by working to ensure the surgeon's dismissal. Since he's
backed down, letting Meyers resign on his own time, some UMMS insiders argue
that Levine appears defeated.
Others, though, aren't so certain. Levine wanted Meyers gone and, in the end,
he's going. The UMass Memorial CEO can also be assured that Meyers, as a
lame-duck chairman, will be less vocal this year: any department
chairman will likely think twice before expressing different views.
What's so ironic about this debate is that Levine, like Meyers, has a habit of
speaking out too. Just weeks after he fired Meyers for talking about the
tensions aggravated by managed care, Levine and hospital administrators
statewide staged a Statehouse press conference to decry the fiscal crisis
facing health care in Massachusetts. He then published an op-ed piece in the
T&G, lamenting the financial pressures placed upon hospitals because
of managed care. What ostensibly cost Meyers his job -- commenting on managed
care problems -- isn't actually a topic on which the two men disagree.
Even when they did disagree, Meyers's criticisms often were justified.
Take his push for the UMass Memorial leadership to reconsider how it collects
money from insurance companies; his unremitting pressure led to a task force
that's about to implement his ideas. Then there were Meyers's efforts to carry
out "his own plans" for fundraising -- plans that helped him raise more money
than other departments could.
In the weeks leading up to the panel investigation everyone from UMMS
officials to Meyers's supporters agreed the 22 charges would turn out to be
"specious," and hardly grounds for dismissal, but sources close to Meyers admit
he capitulated because he lacked support from his medical-school colleagues.
During the hearings, which took place the first week of February, department
chairmen failed to stand behind Meyers -- partly because they disliked his
rough, demanding style, and partly because they disliked his public fight,
although Meyers was left with no other choice than to defend himself.
To UMMS colleagues, the Levine-Meyers clash was rooted more in personality
than in principle. What is remarkable is that Levine's and Meyers's
detractors tend to use the same words to describe them -- words like "control
freak," "hard ass," and "relentless." In essence, the Levine-Meyers feud might
not have been so harmful had these men not proven to be equally matched.
What mattered most to UMMS officials looks to be preserving the institutions
-- specifically, their partnership, finalized in March 1998. And this thought
dismays those who view the debate as emblematic of the inevitable friction
between corporate and academic influences. For what happened to Meyers simply
reinforces, one local doctor says, "the corporate side of UMass is winning over
academic medicine."
That said, it's true the battle might not be over yet. In spite of Lazare's
reputation for mending fences, he's kept a low profile throughout the
three-month flap, fostering the general perception that he's had his head in
the sand.
But sources close to Lazare offer another, very different portrait, describing
him as "devastated" and "concerned" by the ordeal -- so much so he risked his
desire for fairness by circulating a faculty memo, in which he confirmed the
dispute's detrimental effects. The January 19 memo was subsequently (and
predictably) leaked to the T&G.
If Lazare is as hurt as friends claim, it's likely to surface when he and
Levine haggle over the UMMS and UMass Memorial governance documents. Indeed,
both men are expected to recommend by-law changes on policies regarding
department chairmen, prompting observers to predict the next battlefield:
Levine will do all he can to retain control over faculty hiring and firing, but
so will Lazare.
Ultimately, time -- or, more aptly, these changes -- will tell how willing
UMass leaders are to guard academic freedom.
Kristen Lombardi can be reached at klombardi[a]phx.com.
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