Hanging tough
Hollywood blacklistees talk back in a massive new oral history
by Peter Keough
TENDER COMRADES: A BACKSTORY OF THE HOLLYWOOD BLACKLIST, edited by
Patrick McGilligan and Paul Buhle. St. Martin's Press,
776 pages, $35.
Fifty years ago, Congress initiated the most grievous assault on freedom of
expression in American history, and one for which it has yet to acknowledge any
wrongdoing. Empowered by the first surge of Cold War paranoia and urged on by
politicians frenzied with chauvinism and ambition, the House Un-American
Activities Committee (HUAC) began investigating the politics of the Hollywood
film industry.
At first only a handful of writers, actors, producers, and directors -- the
soon-to-be-famous Hollywood Ten -- were subpoenaed and asked the notorious
question "Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party?"
Soon hundreds more would follow as their colleagues turned them in: the
alternative to being branded a red and blacklisted from employment was to "name
names" of others with left-leaning sympathies.
This sorry period has been written about before, of course -- the most
authoritative study is, perhaps, Victor Navasky's Naming Names. Now,
Patrick McGilligan and Paul Buhle's moving and engrossing Tender
Comrades provides the human faces -- and voices -- behind the rhetoric and
the history.
A compilation of interviews with 36 people who refused to cooperate with
HUAC
and suffered the consequences, Comrades is not only a compelling
indictment of repression but an alternative history of Hollywood, replete with
vivid, often hilarious anecdotes and irreverent glimpses of film-industry
icons. Mostly, though, it's a collection of portraits of the artists as
disenfranchised men and women who are still vibrant, idealistic, hopeful, and
without bitterness. Tender Comrades re-creates what Hollywood lost 50
years ago and probably will never recover.
For more on HUAC's effect on Hollywood see a preview of the
Northampton Film Festival
The title is taken from a 1943 film scripted by the late blacklistee Dalton
Trumbo; it's a tale about women factory workers that was said to be tainted by
communist ideas because it included the line "Share and share alike -- that's
democracy!" The humanism expressed in that sentiment is what originally drew
many in Hollywood to the left in the 1930s. As Lionel Stander, a character
actor noted for his roles in Frank Capra and Preston Sturges movies, puts it:
"The power of the left existed because it said all the things that everybody
believed in and wanted to hear; it represented every person who believed in
human decency, justice, and equality and was against racism and bigotry. And
the Communist Party always took the frontal position."
A bit overstated, perhaps, given Stalin's purges of the time. But in the days
of the Depression, Hitler, Mussolini, and the Spanish Civil War, the party
seemed like a good deal to the socially concerned and intelligent people in the
industry. Not that their political views were reflected on the screen to any
great degree. Rather, what concerned HUAC and the studios that abetted its
investigation was the leftists' political activity in the real world: their
support for striking farm workers, for example, or -- more alarmingly -- their
attempts to organize those working in the industry itself. "It was a ridiculous
idea that they were writing Communist propaganda," says director Jules Dassin,
who achieved fame in Hollywood with such films as Night and the City
(1950) before fleeing America for Greece, where he would make Never on
Sunday (1960). "It was . . . that the organization of a guild
demanding rights . . . was impossible for management to accept."
Whatever the reason, those with the integrity not to submit to HUAC were
compelled, often at the height of successful careers, to find some other way of
making a living. Many left the country; France and England benefited from the
influx of blacklist casualties. Others began new careers in the US (Stander,
ironically, ended up making a good living as a stockbroker). Many writers
continued their Hollywood careers under pseudonyms, or "fronts," sometimes with
comic results. Alfred Levitt, for example, screenwriter of The Boy with
Green Hair (1948), relates how a story conference got off on the wrong foot
when he was addressed by four different names.
For the most part, though, as this catalogue of broken lives attests, the
few laughs that the blacklist produced don't dispel its tragedy and shame.
Comrades is not perfect: its alphabetical organization ignores more
compelling categorizations, and it goes easy on such sensitive subjects as some
unrepentant Communists' justifications of Stalinism. And although such
"friendly" witnesses such as Elia Kazan have gone to great lengths to exculpate
themselves in books and films of their own, the absence of their side of the
story here does not strengthen the book's argument. These minor glitches aside,
Comrades offers convincing evidence of how a government gone wrong can
oppress the human spirit -- and how, when it does, the human spirit can not
only survive, but triumph.